In a significant shift within the PSOE’s internal dynamics, Pedro Sánchez appears to be hesitating in his approach to confront Javier Lambán, the regional president of Aragón. This indecision comes amid rising tensions as Lambán has increasingly challenged Sánchez’s leadership and policies, particularly regarding regional autonomy and the party’s broader strategy. As the political landscape evolves, Sánchez’s reluctance to take a firm stance against Lambán raises questions about his authority and the potential ramifications for the PSOE’s unity. With Lambán gaining support among regional leaders, the implications of this conflict could reverberate throughout the party, complicating Sánchez’s efforts to maintain a cohesive strategy.
Lunch with Cerdán
Pedro Sánchez is re-evaluating his initial plans to replace Juan Lobato and Luis Tudanca as leaders of the PSOE in Madrid and Castilla y León. He also intends to install Minister of Education Pilar Alegría at the helm of Aragonese socialism to succeed the increasingly defiant former regional president, Javier Lambán. This shift comes amid growing internal tensions, according to federal sources and regional affiliates who spoke to Vozpópuli.
Despite Sánchez’s anticipated dominance at the upcoming 41st Federal Congress in December—where he faces no challengers—he is acutely aware that subsequent power struggles within the federations can complicate matters, particularly in key regions like Andalusia. With 45,000 of the party’s 170,000 members, the Andalusian federation is critical. Sánchez faces uncertainty over who might succeed Juan Espadas, whose leadership has come under scrutiny after what many consider a failed succession from Susana Díaz.
María Jesús Montero, the deputy general secretary and Minister of Finance, is frequently mentioned as a potential successor. However, her recent support for a tax agreement with Catalonia—after initially rejecting it—has alienated many officials and activists, who fear it could solidify Juan Manuel Moreno Bonilla’s hold on the Junta for years to come.
Sánchez’s parliamentary weakness, coupled with concerns that defeats in regional congresses could tarnish his expected triumph at the Federal Congress, is prompting calls for unity within the party. This comes after a summer filled with covert movements against critics, fueled by Sánchez’s earlier criticisms of Lobato and Tudanca following the party’s poor showing in the European elections.
The catalyst for these shifts was Sánchez’s remark at a meeting of the Executive in Ferraz the day after the electoral defeat on June 10, where he suggested that the issues lay not with his leadership but with the “weak leaderships” of Tudanca and Lobato. Notably, he attempted to shield Espadas from criticism, highlighting that in Castilla y León, the PSOE lost to the PP by 150,000 votes (a 14% drop) and in Madrid by 350,000 votes (28.15% to 40.69%). In contrast, he pointed out that the PSOE’s losses in Andalusia were limited to 75,000 votes, indicating a relative recovery compared to previous local elections.
As Sánchez navigates these complex dynamics, the coming months will be crucial in determining not only his leadership strategy but also the future cohesion of the PSOE amidst the shifting power balances within its federations.
Against Peña or Redondo
Following Pedro Sánchez’s announcement regarding potential changes in leadership, second-tier moves have begun to target Juan Lobato and Luis Tudanca. Months earlier, in February, a secret lunch was held by Santos Cerdán, the Secretary of Organization and number three in the PSOE, with key figures of the internal opposition in the PSM, including Getafe Mayor Sara Hernández and Fuenlabrada Mayor Javier Ayala. This meeting highlighted the dissatisfaction of both the Federal Directorate and critics within the PSM regarding Lobato’s aggressive stance on the Amnesty Law and his perceived lukewarm opposition to Isabel Díaz Ayuso, which many deemed inappropriate for a left-wing party.
Since then, speculation has mounted about potential successors, with the Government delegate, Francisco Martín, emerging as a frontrunner. Known for his close ties to Minister of the Presidency Félix Bolaños—who wields significant influence behind the scenes—Martín has gained attention as a viable candidate. He is now joined by Emma López, a popular councilor in Madrid and a member of the Organizing Committee for the 41st Federal Congress. This move has not gone unnoticed by the socialist factions in the capital.
Lobato is resolute in his intention to compete in the primaries “with whoever,” a stark contrast to the events of February during the Valencian PSPV Congress, where Sánchez ensured that rivals to the current general secretary, Diana Morant, withdrew from the race. Unlike then, Lobato and his team are prepared to engage fully, emphasizing that neither Sánchez nor anyone else would benefit from a divisive PSM congress that could fracture the party.
As Sánchez faces a more precarious political landscape—lacking a budget and grappling with challenges from Junts per Catalunya and a determined Carles Puigdemont—his leadership is increasingly perceived as vulnerable. Critics within the party, as well as supporters of Lobato, sense this weakness. While Lobato has not altered his stance on defending Begoña Gómez or his opposition to the fiscal agreement with Catalonia, he has moderated his rhetoric in recent weeks to align more closely with Ferraz.
Luis Tudanca, determined to maintain his leadership in Castilla y León, has also moved to assert his authority. He unexpectedly announced a timeline for the regional congress that contradicts the directives from the Federal Directorate, which had instructed that no congress organization occur until after the Federal Congress on December 1. Tudanca’s surprise announcement, limiting the presentation of endorsements and candidacies to January 25 and 26, aims to preempt any potential rivals, sparking criticism from Ferraz representatives.
The Federal Ethics Committee has since rejected Tudanca’s proposed calendar, insisting that the PSCyL Congress must occur after the 41st Federal Congress. Their rationale underscores a determination to maintain order and coherence within the party, reflecting the ongoing struggle for power and influence among its leaders as the PSOE navigates a complex political terrain.
Against Peña or Redondo
Luis Tudanca is keenly aware of the criticisms regarding “weak leadership” that Sánchez expressed during the Executive meeting on June 11, suggesting that after a decade in leadership, Tudanca missed his chance to challenge the popular Alfonso Fernández Mañueco in the 2022 elections. In response, Ferraz has positioned figures like Esther Peña, the provincial secretary of Buenos Aires, and Ana Redondo, the Minister of Equality. Redondo, known to be aligned with the real power behind the PSCyL, which currently rests with Óscar Puente, the Minister of Public Works and former mayor of Valladolid, has been particularly influential.
While change seems challenging in Andalusia, Madrid, and Castilla y León, the situation is similarly complex within the Aragonese PSOE. The current general secretary, former president Javier Lambán, has made it clear in recent months that he opposes the Minister of Education and Government spokesperson, Pilar Alegría, as his successor, a position that La Moncloa and Ferraz have been pushing for.
Alegría’s recent gaffe, where she compared a potential ‘Catalan concert’ to tax exemptions for depopulated areas like Teruel and Soria, has sparked outrage in Aragon, particularly in Teruel. Lambán is seizing this moment to undermine Alegría’s candidacy for general secretary, as she currently only enjoys solid backing in Huesca, which is aligned with Sánchez, rather than in the critical Zaragoza region. Lambán, who maintains tight control over Zaragoza, has expressed frustration that Huesca’s PSOE is supporting what he views as harmful to the community—namely, the Catalan quota—and feels they have been working against his leadership for years.
Despite their longstanding animosity, Lambán’s lack of communication with Pedro Sánchez has led to his decision to skip the 41st Federal Congress in Seville. Instead, he will allow the provincial secretary of Zaragoza, Juan Antonio Sánchez Quero, to lead the Aragonese PSOE delegation. Lambán is backing Quero as his preferred successor at the upcoming regional congress in January, rather than Alegría.
Internal conflicts are emerging in Aragon’s congresses. Unlike other federations where unified lists have formed between Sánchez supporters and critics, Aragon is divided. In Zaragoza, Paz Jiménez is set to challenge Quero for militant votes, while in Huesca, Fernando Sabes, a Sánchez supporter, will contend against Lambán’s ally, José María Orús, for delegate positions. Meanwhile, Teruel will send a unified list led by Mayte Pérez, a former councilor and key aide in Lambán’s last government.
Frequently Asked Questions
Why is Sánchez hesitant to confront Javier Lambán?
Sánchez’s hesitation stems from a longstanding animosity and complex relationship with Lambán, who has significant influence within the Aragonese PSOE. Confronting him could destabilize Sánchez’s support base in the region and lead to further internal divisions.
What role does Lambán play in Aragonese socialism?
As the former president and current general secretary, Lambán has a firm grip on the party’s direction and has expressed clear opposition to any attempts by Sánchez to install Pilar Alegría as his successor. His leadership is characterized by a pushback against outside influences from the national party.
How has Lambán’s leadership affected Sánchez’s strategy?
Lambán’s local solid support complicates Sánchez’s ability to implement changes in the region. Sánchez may prefer to avoid direct conflict to maintain party unity and support, especially with the upcoming regional congress.
What are the implications of Sánchez’s indecision for the PSOE in Aragon?
Sánchez’s reluctance to challenge Lambán could lead to further fragmentation within the party. If factions within the PSOE feel unsupported, their collective electoral strength in the region might weaken.
How are internal party dynamics influencing the upcoming congress?
The congress in Aragon is set to reflect the internal divisions, with competing candidates backed by different factions. Sánchez’s decision to remain neutral could embolden Lambán’s faction and challenge his influence over the broader PSOE.
What could change Sánchez’s position in the future?
Should internal pressures mount or if public sentiment shifts significantly against Lambán, Sánchez may be forced to take a firmer stance. Additionally, the outcomes of other regional congresses might influence his strategy.
What do voters in Aragon think about this situation?
Voter opinions vary, but many may see the internal conflicts as a distraction from pressing regional issues. A lack of decisive leadership could negatively affect public trust in the PSOE.
What are the potential consequences for Sánchez if he continues to hesitate?
Continued indecision could lead to decreased support among party members, potential losses in upcoming elections, and a weakened national influence within the PSOE as factions vie for control and recognition.
Conclusion
Sánchez’s hesitation to confront Javier Lambán highlights the complexities of internal party dynamics within the PSOE. While maintaining a delicate balance of power is crucial for party unity, this indecision risks undermining Sánchez’s authority and credibility. As Lambán continues to assert his influence in Aragon, Sánchez must navigate a challenging landscape where any misstep could lead to further fragmentation and weaken the party’s electoral prospects. Ultimately, Sánchez’s ability to effectively address these internal conflicts will be critical for the PSOE’s success both regionally and nationally in the upcoming political landscape.
